Sar-Shalom
One observation about the responses to Peter Beinart since he released
The Crisis of Zionism is that they have not worked. By work, I mean doing more than rallying the faithful to be louder in support of Israel. Rather, working would mean to convince people who think that Beinart's prescription is a path towards achieving peace that in fact Beinart's prescription is one for Israel to sign a new version of the Munich Agreement. I have no idea if my alternate approach would work according to that standard, but at least it has not been shown not to work. My approach is to take Beinart's arguments that sound reasonable if you don't have the requisite background and fill in some information that demonstrates why it is not so reasonable. Others could probably do a better job of marshaling and presenting the facts that expose Beinart's fallacies, but someone has to call attention to that task.
The previous post covered four of Beinart's arguments, and I continue here.
- Israel is already a binational state. The only question going forward is whether Israel will be a binational state in which the bulk of one people is disenfranchised or one in which all subjects have a voice in the government.
One fact that Beinart cites elsewhere to support his claim that Israel controls all of the Palestinians between the river and the sea, without actually claiming that Area A/B and Gaza are occupied, is that the IDF is free to enter Area A in order arrest wanted Palestinians. That fact is true. However, Beinart omits the fact for several years the IDF did give up on any right to enter Area A. The result was that the operatives of the Second Intifadah had free rein to prepare their plots. Similarly, Israel only exercises control over what enters Gaza in order to reduce the capacity of Hamas and Islamic Jihad to gain any ability to launch offensive actions against Israel's cities. It is reasonable that Beinart would prefer that the Palestinians should not endure Israel's security measures. However, does Beinart have any suggestions for what Israel can do to ease those security measures that will not be exploited by the Palestinians to launch their terror operations against Israel? Does he accept that just because he can't imagine how the easing of any particular measure would be exploited doesn't mean that the Palestinians will not imagine how to do so? Has he ever consulted with anyone who understands security in order to gain such understanding?
- White South Africans didn’t imagine prior to 1994 that they could live safely under a government that gave an equal voice to black citizens.
For all the Afrikaner propaganda to the contrary prior to 1994, Nelson Mandela never disseminated anything to his followers calling for the Whites not to live in safety after Apartheid ended. While Arafat avoided doing so in front of Western or Israeli audiences, everything his movement teaches its people is that the Jews do not belong in "Filastin" and that one day the Jewish presence there will wind up like the Crusades. While the Palestinians acknowledge to themselves that they do not have the means to do so today, they preach that they are making progress towards doing so.
- Palestinian desire to return to homes in internationally recognized Israel.
- Why is it that American Jews see reading from a prayer book about returning to a place we left 2,000 years ago as perfectly normal but dismiss the desire of those who wish to return to a place they left less than 100 years ago.
While Jews yearn to return to Zion where there was a 2,000 year hiatus of Jewish sovereignty, there is no such Jewish yearning to return to Khazaria or Yemen, where Jews have also exercised sovereignty for an identifiable block of history, let alone to any of the nations of Eastern Europe and the Muslim world where they had been oppressed for centuries. Further, Beinart swallows the Palestinians' narrative hook, line, and sinker about how they originated in what is now Israel and came to leave. Yes, there are Palestinians whose families were there since the 7th centuries and even some who are descendants from Jewish converts who were there for longer. They are the minority. Many of their families did not arrive in Palestine until the 19th century or even until the British Mandate. Some of the Arabs who left during the Independence War were not even born in Palestine. Their attachment to Palestine is because the larger Arab world, in order to have a propaganda point to use against Israel, did not welcome them. Since their cousins only allowed them the identity of "Palestinian," that is the identity they came to adopt.
A further point is that Beinart regularly calls for understanding the narrative of the
nakba. However, in order to reconcile that narrative with the truth, it is necessary to assimilate some basic facts. Yes, there were between 500,000 and 700,000 Arabs living in what Israel came to control following the Independence War prior to the war who did not live there afterwards. The Arabs who left were a mixture of those who were evicted by the Israelis, those who left because they heard rumors of Israeli atrocities, those who left because of the Arab League's call to facilitate the annihilation of the Jews, those who left just because they did not want to be in a war zone and thought they had a safe place to go to outside, and those who were evicted by the Arabs. Does Beinart have any sources, besides the Palestinians' say-so, that apportion the emigres into those categories?
- 20% of Israel’s population are Palestinian who will never feel like equal citizens in a Jewish state.
Has Beinart ever spoken to the Arabs of Abu Ghosh? to Gabriel Nadaf? to Ali Salam or Muhammad Zoabi? to the Arabs who have voted for Likud or the
committee in the Likud Party that is reaching out to the Israeli-Arab population? Beinart says that we should listen to the Palestinians' voices. Does he mean that we should listen to the voices that support his narrative and ignore everyone else or is he willing to listen to Arabs whose lives are a demonstration that they feel like equal citizens in a Jewish state?
Part 1